Showing posts with label 1988-11. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1988-11. Show all posts

Tuesday, 1 April 2014

#102: What We Must Do--Part 9: It's Time For A Tax On Toxics.

=======================Electronic Edition========================

RACHEL'S HAZARDOUS WASTE NEWS #102
---November 7, 1988---
News and resources for environmental justice.
------
Environmental Research Foundation
P.O. Box 5036, Annapolis, MD 21403
Fax (410) 263-8944; Internet: erf@igc.apc.org
==========
RACHEL-4CM = DIOXIN FOCUSED DIRECTORY
Remote Access Chemical Hazards Electronic Library.
Dioxinnz.com

========================Original Source========================

Since World War II the synthetic organic chemicals industry has grown at a steady 6.5% per year, doubling its total output every 11 years.

During the past 35 years, since 1950, the industry has grown by a factor of 10, from an annual output of 50 billion pounds to an annual output of 500 billion pounds. During that same period, the industry has been responsible for the creation of some 20,000 Superfund sites that we know of, and countless other dumps that have not yet come to light as problems. (Some officials within EPA guess that there may actually be as many as 200,000 places in America where toxics have been buried.) Although Congress has allocated upwards of $10 billion for cleanup of old dumps, no one pretends that this is sufficient to do the job. It may clean up the first 1000 sites, though even this is doubtful. Before it is over, cleanup will cost hundreds of billions of dollars if, indeed, it can be done at all. Furthermore, we are still creating new Superfund sites each year. These are pits, ponds, lagoons and landfills allowed under the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act (RCRA) subtitles C and D (which legalize chemical landfills and municipal solid waste landfills).

In an attempt to control the problem during the past 25 years, we have passed 10 major pollution laws and have published 8,000 pages of regulations in the Federal Register. We are currently spending about $10 million annually for each page of regulations (total: $80 billion per year spent on end-of-pipe pollution control).

Unfortunately, it will be obvious to anyone who thinks about it that we are losing the battle. The earth's protective ozone layer is disappearing, the planet is heating up, the world's oceans are turning into sewers, acid rain is killing lakes and forests, the nation's groundwater is becoming unsafe to drink, half the planet's living species will become extinct in the next 50 years. This is only a partial list. The catalog of horrors is growing year by year. Only a few captains of industry and their indentured savants will argue that our present course makes any sense.

To the technical experts who are wrapped up in maintaining their credibility and impressing their peers with their analytic detachment, the situation seems paralyzingly complex. But to the general public, the situation has become rather clear: with the chemical industry doubling in size every 11 years, we are saturating the air, water and soil with toxic contaminants, and each year the situation grows worse. An old adage recommends, "Don't shit where you eat," but that's exactly what we've been doing. If asked, most people would agree, it is time for new departures.

There are at least three new approaches that we can try. One is to ban certain toxic materials entirely. A second is to ban the mining of certain materials (for example, lead and cadmium), thus requiring recycle of existing stocks because new stocks will no longer be legally available. A third is to tax toxics.

Today we'll examine taxes on toxics. In the past when this approach has been suggested, it has been attacked as a "license to pollute." However, in the past the toxics tax has been suggested as an alternative to the current regulatory system. We, on the other hand, are not suggesting that the nation abandon any of its existing pollution control programs. We merely suggest toxics taxes in addition to all existing pollution control programs.

We favor two taxes: one on the discharge of toxics into the environment, and another on the use of toxics in products that will, themselves, eventually be discarded into the environment. Let's look at the two taxes separately.

The toxics discharge tax is fairly simple. A tax rate is set on each pound of toxics discharged into the environment. A pound of cyanide might be $1.00; a pound of sulfur might be 30 cents. The dischargers would have responsibility for measuring their own discharges, filing tax returns, computing the tax, and mailing a check. There would be heavy penalties, including stiff jail terms, for cheating.

The discharge tax would apply to anyone discharging toxics into the environment, not just chemical firms. Anyone, including manufacturers, users, government agencies and waste haulers, would pay for the privilege of degrading the earth's air, water or soil if they chose to discharge toxic materials in any form.

This plan has the advantage of causing the Internal Revenue Service--the pit bulls of government--to care about the quantities of toxics entering the environment. Clearly the EPA does not really care. The more the EPA knows about toxic discharges, the bigger and more difficult its job becomes; so for 15 years the EPA has consistently underestimated the size of the toxics problem, and other agencies (the Office of Management and Budget and the Congressional Office of Technology Assessment) have repeatedly had to embarrass the EPA into revising its numbers upward. The EPA is not enthusiastic about measuring contaminants because the numbers reveal the agency's continuing failure to stem the tide of toxics. Getting the IRS into the act would rather quickly provide us with more reliable facts on the amounts of toxics being used by industry because the IRS would collect a tax for each pound measured. The IRS enjoys collecting taxes.

The discharge tax has other advantages as well. It gives industry a continuing incentive to reduce its use of toxics. When today's regulations have been met, industry can relax. But with a tax on toxics, industry would be reminded every April 15 that they are throwing away profits by discharging toxics. This is a message industry will hear and will respond to.

The third advantage of the toxics tax is that it provides revenue. The government could use this money (a) to enforce the toxics tax, doing spot checks on industry to catch cheaters; and (b) to do the necessary research to establish a rational basis for the second tax--the tax on commercial products which contain toxics that will harm the environment when the products are discarded. (Even with maximum recycling, all items will eventually be discarded, so we should tax items that will eventually degrade the environment, creating an incentive for those products to disappear from our markets.) Research will be needed to decide what chemical compounds in what commercial products are worthy of a tax. The program can begin with the obvious ones: plastics can be taxed. Any item that contains lead, cadmium, arsenic or mercury can be taxed. As time passes and our understanding improves, new products can be taxed.

Such taxes should be instituted at the federal level, but they could also be imposed by states, or even by counties and municipalities having taxing authority.

Both taxes can be adjusted up or down as we see results. We note that industry does not favor this approach. They know it would work; it would force new ways of doing business and even new ways of thinking. We've got little to lose by giving it a try. It couldn't be less effective than what we've got now.

The discharge tax has been discussed in several books; one of the best is Allen Kneese and Charles Schultze, POLLUTION, PRICES AND PUBLIC POLICY (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1975).

--Peter Montague, Ph.D.

Descriptor terms: taxation; regulation; discharge tax; pollution tax; chemical industry statistics; growth; global environmental problems; internal revenue service; irs; epa; superfund;

Monday, 31 March 2014

#104: The Children of Love Canal.

=======================Electronic Edition========================

RACHEL'S HAZARDOUS WASTE NEWS #104
---November 21, 1988---
News and resources for environmental justice.
------
Environmental Research Foundation
P.O. Box 5036, Annapolis, MD 21403
Fax (410) 263-8944; Internet: erf@igc.apc.org
==========
RACHEL-4CM = DIOXIN FOCUSED DIRECTORY
Remote Access Chemical Hazards Electronic Library.
Dioxinnz.com
=======================Original Source========================

Love Canal, in Niagara County, New York, is the place where the modern toxics movement began. In 1896, William Love dug a canal nearly two miles long, hoping to connect the upper and lower Niagara River. The canal was abandoned before it ever carried traffic. In 1942, a chemical company began using the abandoned canal as a dump, burying 19,000 cubic yards of toxics in the long trench. Some time after 1953, ownership of the land was transferred to the Niagara Falls Board of Education, which built a school on top of the dump. In 1977, tests revealed toxic chemicals seeping into the basements of homes near the canal. At first it was mysterious and frightening; as it became better understood is became even more frightening. Two hundred and forty eight different chemicals were identified, 30 of them embryotoxins or fetotoxins, and 18 suspected teratogens. At least 34 of them cause cancer. FOR 100 OF THE 248 CHEMICALS, NO TOXICOLOGICAL DATA WHATEVER COULD BE FOUND. In 1978 the state of New York found a high rate of miscarriages among families in the first tier of homes fronting on the canal; authorities declared a health emergency, closed the school on top of the dump, and evacuated 235 families. The following year New York state authorities evacuated families with pregnant women, or with children under 2 years of age, from the southern half of the Love Canal neighborhood, which was considered most heavily contaminated. In May, 1980 the federal government offered evacuation to everyone in Love Canal.

(We state these facts as if they had a life of their own, as if governments did these things spontaneously, without urging from anyone. Nothing could be further from the truth. The story of Love Canal is one of massive citizen struggle, and of victory against tremendous odds. But that is a story for another time.)

Later in 1980, health researchers began formal studies of the children living within a few hundred yards of Love Canal. They also studied the outcomes of pregnancies. Their results, published in 1985, show the dangers of doing health studies in what had become a political war zone, but they also show the dangers of exposing children to even low levels of modern chemicals.

The levels of a few chemicals were measured in homes; the levels were 1% or less of the allowable occupational standards. Of course occupational standards are not set to protect the general public; they are set to protect young, healthy males in the prime of life. The general public contains large numbers of people who do not fit the profile of employed males: many old people, many children, many people with chronic illnesses, with allergies, with poor diets, and so forth. This is why, for the general public, occupational standards are entirely inappropriate as a measure of acceptable exposure.

In any case, despite living in Love Canal, the population under study was not exposed to huge levels of exotic chemicals; however they WERE exposed to more than the average, and they suffered the consequences.

Two different studies of the children of Love Canal reveal ill effects among those who lived near the Canal vs. those who lived further away. The authors point out correctly that the disease patterns they observe do not prove that Love Canal caused the harm. However, reading these studies will definitely convince you that, if you can, you'd be better off avoiding contact with a wide range of organic solvents and chlorinated hydrocarbons.

Two groups of people were studied: 239 children born to mothers exposed to Love Canal chemicals while pregnant, and 707 controls (children from the same city whose families were similar to the Love Canal families in every respect expect where they lived). The two groups were specifically matched for socioeconomic status, smoking, alcohol consumption, and medication taken during pregnancy.

Unfortunately, the study was begun too late to include the 235 families who were the first to be evacuated from Love Canal. Those families COULD have been studied if New York State or the federal government had been willing to spend the money to find the families and interview them, but the resources were not available. In addition, children who had died were excluded from the study. For these reasons, it is very likely that the study underestimates the true effect of living near Love Canal. Nevertheless, the study shows that low birth weight babies were 2.3 times as likely to occur among homeowners living near Love Canal, compared to the control group (11.1% vs. 4.8%). Serious birth defects were twice as likely to occur among those living near the Canal (12.1% vs. 6.2%).

The study of childrens' health involved 523 Love Canal children and 440 control children from the same city matched in every respect except where they lived.

The study found seizures 2.5 times as prevalent among Love Canal kids as among controls; learning disabilities were 1.5 times as prevalent; hyperactivity was almost 3 times as prevalent; eye irritation was twice as prevalent; skin rashes occurred twice as often; abdominal pain was twice as prevalent; incontinence occurred three times as often. Thus by seven health measures, living near Love Canal is associated with ill health among children.

Behind these studies lies a political drama of Kafkaesque dimensions. Health researchers at Love Canal who disagreed with the New York State Health Department were demoted, transferred, or harassed. The Health Department undertook studies which are still today totally secret; what they studied, and how, has never been revealed. One tantalizing piece of information appeared in SCIENCE magazine (Vol. 212 [1981], pgs. 1404-1407) showing that lung cancer among Love Canal men was up 70% compared to the average of New York State (excluding NY City), and among Love Canal women it's up 100%. Yet the state still today refuses to publish its data. The message is crystal clear: chemical exposures of the general public by American industry give rise to sick children, but also to state suppression of scientific data, and to loss of rights by those who ask too many questions.

Bev Paigen, the chief health researcher at Love Canal, will tell you one of the most important lessons is this: citizens need their own access to resources and expertise. With control over their own experts, citizens have a chance of learning what's happening and what they must do; without it, citizens can be duped by the state. Hats off to Bev Paigen, a gentle warrior for children and for the truth.


For further information, see: Lynn R. Goldman and others, "Low Birth Weight, Prematurity and Birth Defects in Children Living Near the Hazardous Waste Site, Love Canal," HAZARDOUS WASTE AND HAZARDOUS MATERIALS, Vol. 2 (1985), pgs. 209-223; see also Beverly Paigen and others, "Prevalence of Health Problems in Children Living Near Love Canal," HAZARDOUS WASTE AND HAZARDOUS MATERIALS, Vol. 2 (1985), pgs. 23-43. An even-handed discussion of the political attacks on the health researchers by New York state authorities appears in Beverly Paigen's "Controversy at Love Canal," originally published in THE HASTINGS CENTER REPORT (June, 1982), from the Institute of Society, Ethics, and the Life Sciences in Hastings-on-Hudson, NY; we have been unable to locate the Institute, but reprints are still available from Dr. Paigen who is a research biologist with the Bruce Lyon Laboratory, Children's Hospital Medical Center, 7474 East 52nd St., Oakland, CA 94609; phone (415) 428-3524.


--Peter Montague, Ph.D.

Descriptor terms: love canal; niagara county; public health; studies; seizures; learning disabilities; hyperactivity; eye irritation; skin rashes; lung cancer;